It is the 21st century and the old paradigm of feminism, the
old establishment, is crumbling. What we are seeing in this
room, right now, is the future. This is the point, the decade
during which men stand up, like women did in the '60s, and say
"We want equality, we demand justice."
There is a hunger in North America -- you can feel it --- an
undercurrent of discontent among men...men who no longer see
their children because of anti-male bias in the Family Court
system, men who pay taxes to support domestic violence centers
but are turned away from those same doors if they are victims,
men who are fed up with seeing their sex portrayed in the media
as rapists, wife beaters, child molesters or buffoons.
There is also an anger, most of it justified and much of it
healthy...because it takes a bit of anger to cease being abused
and to demand justice instead. When this demand is made, men
will not find themselves alone. The majority of women will stand
up as well to defend the rights and the dignity of their
fathers, brothers, husbands, sons, and friends. Because the only
feminism, the only masculism that makes sense is one that
destroys the legal barriers of privilege and discrimination that
separate the sexes.
We must return to a society that judges individuals on their
merits, not biology...that weighs issues such as custody and
domestic violence on the basis of evidence not gender....we must
all become human beings together.
The title of my talk is "Scrapping NOW" because NOW is one of
the barriers that stand between men and women. But the title is
somewhat inaccurate: in the last few years, NOW has scrapped
itself and become virtually irrelevant. As a result of its
arrogant hypocrisy over Bill Clinton’s sexual and serial abuse
of women, NOW lost about 50% of its membership -- the numbers of
which were always grossly inflated. And the membership continues
to fall.
(I read a news item about two months ago, which reported on a
"recruiting" session NOW held in Broward County, Florida. You
may remember that Broward was one of the democratic/liberal
counties in the "hanging chad" recount fiasco in which Gore
supporters tried to find more votes for "their guy." Four women
showed up to NOW's public forum. Three of them left midway. And,
when I did a radio interview with WCCO a few days ago, the
show's hostess told me that she had heard of NOW's National
Convention only because the National Coalition of Free Men had
sent out a press release of this event.)
The crumbling of old feminism continues. Inside of the
movement...a cash-starved Ms. Magazine recently merged with the
Feminist Majority just in order to survive. Outside of the
movement...policies that were formerly unquestioned and
unquestionable -- like affirmative action -- are being
overturned in court decisions and by state legislatures.
It is no exaggeration to say that a cultural revolution is in
process -- again, one that resembles the '60s. For one thing, it
is a grassroots revolution...not led by elite voices or
tax-funded organizations but by men and women in the street who
realize something is terribly wrong.
Revolutions have a sense of inevitability about them, like a
tidal wave, and I think a return to equality of the sexes under
the law is inevitable. The resistance it faces -- the things
that will slow it down -- are the institutions that have been
established and embedded within society by the likes of NOW.
By institutions, I mean the laws and policies that have
become standard operating procedure in our society. Everything
from the issuing of restraining orders to women, almost "on
demand," to affirmative action. And the main challenge
confronting both masculism and the new feminism is to sweep away
these institutions so that there is a clear field on which to
construct a gender-blind system that deals with people as human
beings, not men or women.
To illustrate what I mean by an institution that needs to be
swept away, I want to use what the iconoclastic feminist Daphne
Patai in her book "Heterophobia" calls the Sexual Harassment
Industry. That is, the laws and policies regulating which
attitudes toward women can be manifested, what language about
women can be expressed...in both the workplace and in academia.
Let me begin by briefly defining what I mean by sexual
harassment and by explaining where I stand on the issue. By
sexual harassment I don't mean unwanted touching, grabbing or
any other form of physical aggression. That's battery and
assault and laws against them have been on the books for many
years. All that was needed around 1980 was have those laws
rigorously enforced.
Instead sexual harassment zealots created a new law, new
policies -- for example, to prohibit "a hostile working
environment" in which women feel offended by the words and other
non-violent behavior of co-workers. That's what I mean by sexual
harassment.
Where do I stand on the issue? Punish physical aggression:
but let attitudes and words flow freely. I agree with Patai when
she states that sexual harassment was...is an intentional and
extremely successful gambit by PC feminists to "bring men to
heel."
Sexual harassment is probably old feminism's greatest success
story. Laws against sexual harassment now regulate
every business and organization of any real size, as well as
every university and college in North America. Government
reaches into the private sector and regulates attitudes and
words to an extent that would be unimaginable in the 1960s, even
the '70s. Yet the term "sexual harassment" only entered our
culture about twenty years ago.
As a legal concept, it was introduced by the radical feminist
Catharine MacKinnon in a book published in 1979 entitled "The
Sexual Harassment of Working Women." In the book MacKinnon
argued that sexual harassment was a form of discrimination, a
violation of civil rights that should be handled by civil
lawsuits and under the Civil Rights Act. In 1980, the EEOC --
the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission -- expanded its
guidelines to include sexual harassment. The first case that
really established the idea of a hostile working environment was
Meritor v. Vinson in 1986.
That's how recent they are -- the sexual harassment policies
with which we live. Even though it impacts the lives of every
person in this room and may well impact the lives of your
children, sexual harassment is only twenty years old.
There is a real sense in which this is encouraging news. We
hear over and over again that you can't change society, that one
person doesn't make a difference. You can't fight city hall. Yet
society was profoundly changed within two decades and the change
came largely from the extraordinary efforts of one woman:
Catharine MacKinnon. MacKinnon accomplished a great deal -- a
great evil -- but a great deal in a very short time. This gives
me real hope that extraordinary efforts in the opposite
direction can tear down sexual harassment. And more quickly than
it was constructed.
Twenty years is a generation and that's about as long as it
takes for people to realize that something isn't working. To
realize that the sexual harassment industry and the other
institutions that have been constructed by radical feminism
don't solve social problems...they create them.
So...if these institutions and the process of dismantling
them stand between men and their rights -- if they slow down the
process -- what will speed it up?
Let me use sexual harassment as an example once more.
When Lin Farley's book on sexual harassment appeared in 1978
-- and, as far as I’ve been able to tell, it was the first book
on that subject -- it galvanized women. The book was entitled
"Sexual Shakedown: The Sexual Harassment of Women on the Job."
And it chronicled truly appalling instances of gender
discrimination that literally destroyed careers of innocent
women.... arguably, it destroyed their lives. Farley told
stories. She let you see and feel the human impact sexual
harassment so that -- even me, a sexual harassment skeptic -- I
found it impossible to read Farley's book without feeling that
something in society was badly wrong, badly askew.
This is what '60s feminism -- Second Wave liberal feminism --
did over and over again on a wide range of issues. It showed the
human misery being caused by laws and social behavior. Take the
issue of rape. In the '60s women who had been raped were in much
the same situation as that faced today by men who are the
victims of domestic violence. The police did not take them
seriously. Society often looked down upon them as if they had
somehow brought on their own rapes by dressing provocatively or
being promiscuous. Just as today, society looks down upon men
who are battered by women...as though being victimized was the
fault of the victim.
When women stood up and expressed their pain, when they
opened a window into their own experiences in order to make
people see and feel the realities of being raped...and being
raped not just once but twice, the second time by a legal system
that did not understand or care...THEN society began to change.
Because nothing is as politically powerful as shining a
spotlight on injustice. And nothing does this as effectively as
showing the human toll that is being taken.
Daphne Patai does this very well in her book "Heterophobia,"
part II of which is entitled "Typifying Tales." She drives home
the savagery of sexual harassment laws and policies at
universities where those accused have no presumption of
innocence but must prove they are not guilty to committees that
have power to ruin their careers and lives. The accused --
almost always men -- have no right to face their accuser or to
question witnesses, no right to a lawyer or even, necessarily,
to know the exact charges being brought against them. And the
charges can be brought for nothing more than assigning the wrong
homework, telling the wrong joke, asking female students tough
questions or not asking them enough questions.
One of the typifying tales Patai offers is of an over-weight
professor who, by all accounts, seemed popular and competent. In
the middle of a lecture one day, a female student heckled him by
calling out a comment about the extreme size of his chest. He
observed that she had no similar problem and, then, continued
with his lecture.
The student filed sexual harassment charges against him with
the university. There was no allegation of battery or trying to
exchange sex for better grades. The charges were based on the
classroom incident. A witch-hunt followed. It was so extreme
that the professor committed suicide. After which, in a press
release, the university administration expressed its main
concern: namely, that the Professor's death would not
discourage other similarly
"abused" women from "speaking out."
Pause for a moment and reflect on what you're feeling right
now. Anger at the university. Empathy with the man. Outrage
toward the female student. A conviction that things must change.
A belief that the abomination known as the sexual harassment
industry must be swept away.
That's the power that speaking the simple truth about
injustice has on most human beings, male or female.
Let me tell you another story. In the early morning hours of
January 7, 43-year-old Derrick K. Miller walked up to a security
guard at the entrance to the San Diego courthouse, where a
family court had recently ruled against him on overdue child
support. Clutching court papers in one hand, he drew out a gun
with the other. Declaring: "you did this to me," he fatally shot
himself through the skull.
Miller is not an isolated case. Consider Warren Gilbert who
died of carbon monoxide poisoning, clutching a letter from the
child protective service. Or Martin Romanchick — the New York
City police officer who hanged himself after being denied access
due to charges brought by his ex-wife, which the court found to
be frivolous.
There is an alarming rise in male suicides. According to a
1999 surgeon general's report, suicide is the eighth leading
cause of death in America, with men being four times more likely
to kill themselves than women. A round of studies conducted in
North America, Europe and Australia suggests that one reason for
the increase may be the discrimination fathers encounter in
family courts, especially regarding the denial of access to
their children.
Unfortunately, this reaction seems typical of men....or, at
least, more typical than it is of women. Men take pain and abuse
inside themselves until they can't take it any more.
One of the healthiest and most effective things about the
Men's Movement today is the many sites that are spreading
quickly. Sites that offer accounts of men who battered by their
wives, of fathers alienated from their children...
And, as men speak out, I think they will be amazed by how
many women get up and stand beside them.
In many ways, the Men's Movement, or masculism, reminds me of
nothing so much as '60s feminism. Back then, when women spoke
out, many men responded. Men said, "the way rape victims are
treated is not fair." They said, "there shouldn't be artificial
barriers for women who want to enter certain professions: they
should advance on the basis of merit." Men said, "I want my wife
and daughter to be receive a better shake from society."
And without that reaction from men, I don't believe that
feminism could have been the remarkable success it became in the
late '60s, early '70s. It went from being a fringe movement to
becoming part of the mainstream. I also believe that feminism
went badly wrong at the same moment it declared a "gender" war
and, so, betrayed the men who had supported it.
The subtitle of my talk is "Time to Redefine Feminism" so let
me give you a definition to serve as a starting point. Let me
define radical or gender feminism, which has had a profound
impact on what is currently mainstream feminism. Radical
feminism has pretty much defined the ideology and issues of the
current mainstream movement, including NOW, and it shows us the
direction in which we should not be heading.
What is it? Radical feminism is the ideology that views men
and women as separate and politically antagonistic classes. Men
oppress women. They do so through the twin evils of the
patriarchal state and the free-market system, the combination of
which is called "white male culture."
To restate this, for radical feminism, men and women -- as
separate classes -- do not share the same political interests or
benefit from the same political circumstances. Instead, the
interests of men and women are at war.
There is nothing inherently wrong with separating the sexes
into classes. Medicine, for example, often separates the sexes.
Women are examined for breast cancer and men for prostate
problems. But when doctors do this they do not claim -- as
radical feminism does -- that the basic medical interests of men
and women conflict. The doctors realize both sexes share the
same basic biology that requires the same basic approach of
nutrition, exercise, oxygen and common sense in terms of
lifestyle. In other words, although medicine separates men and
women as a class for certain purposes, it does not deny the
shared humanity of men and women.
By contrast, radical feminism doesn't say that there are some
political issues on which men and women have important
differences -- for example, abortion. It says there is a
fundamental class conflict based on gender. It says that men and
women do not share the same basic human needs -- politically
speaking -- such as freedom of speech or the protection of
private property. This is like the doctor saying that the two
sexes do not have the same biological needs.
Taking freedom of speech as an example... Radical feminism
claims that men use this "freedom" as a tool with which to
oppress women. They oppress women through pornography. Through
verbal sexual harassment. Through the media that brainwashes
women into believing they have to be thin, sexy, etc. Women on
the other hand -- according to radical feminism -- benefit from
political correctness. This is the idea that only correct,
non-offensive words should be spoken, only those images should
be seen. By this analysis, freedom of speech does not benefit
women, only men.
The form of feminism I embrace is called individualist
feminism ...what I call ifeminism. Ifeminism is based on the
belief that all human beings have an equal right to the
protection of their bodies and property. All human beings....
men and women...share the same political concerns because
we share a common humanity. The primary political characteristic
of both women and men -- what benefits both women and men -- is
for each of us as individuals and adults is the right to make
any peaceful choice whatsoever with our own bodies. And the laws
that protect choice should look at men and women and see no
difference whatsoever. The law should be gender-blind in both
its content and its application...in courts, in police policy,
and so forth.
(For those who want to learn more about the particulars of
ifeminism...I recommend visiting the website ifeminists.com,
which I edit and at which men are welcomed. Or you can read a
new anthology I edited, "Liberty for Women" -- which includes
essays by men as well as women on issues such as abortion and
the right of gun ownership for self-defense.)
The aspect of individualist feminism that's important to this
speech, however, is that it sees no political conflict between
men and women. Whatever is good for "the individual" is, by
definition, good for individual women and men.
So why do I call myself a "feminist?" Why don't I just call
myself an individualist or a humanist?
Because the law does not treat men and women equally, either
in its content or in its application. The law is not
gender-blind. In many areas, it treats men like second-class
citizens. In others, it discriminates against women. And until
this is changed, until there is true equality -- neither
privilege nor oppression based on gender -- I'll call myself a
feminist.
Of course, a lot of the time I am called an "anti-feminist"
because of how profoundly critical I am of the "old feminism" --
the feminism that NOW represents. One of the reasons I am so
critical is that NOW-style feminism has not only betrayed the
men who supported it in the early days. It has betrayed women
and continues to do so.
It betrays women on the issues on it speaks and on the ones
to which it gives only silence. Consider -- just very briefly --
one issue on which NOW betrays women...both by speaking
and by remaining silent at the same time. It is probably the
worst atrocity being committed on the bodies of women in the
world today. And that is China's one-child policy by which women
who have one child are -- at least, officialy -- required to
abort any child thereafter. Why isn't NOW screaming in protest
against forced abortions that strip women of reproductive
choice? Why is it, instead, loud and uncritical in calling for
American tax dollars to be used by the United Nations Population
Fund for family planning in China?
Or consider an issue much closer to home. Midwifery. In the
United States, there is currently a war being waged on the
abilities of midwives their alternative form of child
birth...that is, alternative to going into a hospital. Take
California as an example. And here I want to read from a letter
I received from Faith Gibson, a midwife activist who wrote the
essay entitled "The Official Plan To Eliminate The Midwife 1899-1999"
which is part of "Liberty for Women."
Faith writes,
"The lobbyist for California consumer attorneys privately
told us they would 'permit' midwives to remove the unworkable
supervisory clause" -- that's the legal
requirement that midwives must have physician supervision for
home birth even though there is no requirement for physicians
for provide it -- "they would permit midwives to remove the
unworkable supervisory clause if we swapped it for a mandatory
malpractice insurance clause. We of course would love to have
equivalent (to docs) malpractice insurance but our 'pool' of
midwives is so small that premiums for coverage would be twice
our annual income."
"Since doctors who agree to supervise a midwife become liable
-- under the law -- for anything that happens during childbirth,
the law basically insures that doctors won't offer supervision.
And, if a midwife practices on her own, the medical board will
prosecute her, with the price tag for legal fees alone being
$50,000 to $100,000."
Faith ended her letter, "The bottom line for all of this is
that we are now moving towards a return to underground lay
midwifery and a massive resurgence of 'unattended
do-it-yourself' births. I could just cry."
Faith has tried to interest mainstream feminist groups like
NOW in this issue...but to no avail. NOW seems quite willing to
allow this attack on the right of every woman to determine the
circumstances under which she chooses to give birth to her own
children.
NOW has not merely betrayed men, it has betrayed women.
Earlier on...I said that the Men's Movement reminded me of
nothing so much as '60's feminism. And I think what's happened
to feminism since the '60s to the current day can act as a
cautionary tale to masculism. It can point in the direction
you shouldn't be going.
What happened to feminism? Two decades before second wave
feminism took off in the '60s, World War II had drawn a
generation of women out of the home and into the workforce. But
with the economic boom of the fifties, many women returned to
domesticity and seemed to be contented. Then, in 1963, Betty
Friedan's Feminine Mystique tapped into the hunger of a
new generation of women who wanted to leave the home and go back
into the workplace, into schools. A sexual revolution also
exploded, due partly to a new birth control method -- the pill.
The Vietnam War led an entire generation to question values to
resist authority.
Women rode the social chaos of the '60s into an invigorating
freedom. In 1966, NOW was founded. Although there was anger at
men, the anger was usually focused on specific issues like rape:
Second Wave liberal feminism wasn't anti-male. NOW welcomed men,
like Warren Farrell and the actor Alan Alda both of whom became
symbols of the enlightened man. Across the country, there were
"speak-outs" on rape and women marched for reproductive rights.
The focus was on women's liberation NOT the need to disempower
men.
At the same time as Friedan and other liberal feminists were
mobilizing, another strain of feminism advanced as well --
radical feminism. Simone de Beauvoir's book The Second
Sex was published in 1953. The book attacked heterosexualism
and the traditional family as male oppression, claiming that
lesbianism was the embodiment of sexual freedom. Beauvoir
attacked the existing institutions of society were to blame for
the subjugation of women. And, so, while liberal feminism was
advancing into the mainstream, radical feminism began to spin
out a revolutionary theory that sought a sweeping away of white
male culture or patriarchy as a means to liberate women.
In 1973, feminism won a tremendous victory in Roe v. Wade
and an optimistic movement began to focus very tightly on a
fresh effort to pass the Equal Rights Amendment. In March 1978,
one hundred thousand demonstrators marched on Washington, D.C.
in support of the ERA. Yet, after frustrating extensions and
delays, the measure was finally defeated in Congress in 1984.
The defeat of the ERA was a stunning blow to the liberals
within feminism whose voices had dominated. Not so with radical
feminists who had always viewed the ERA as a "Band-Aid"
solution. Instead, they offered a new solution to a discouraged
movement -- a new political theory based on gender oppression
and viewing men as class enemies. And about 1983 to 1984, you
saw the rise of radical feminism -- it started to dominate
feminism in general. New law started to emerge...law that
assumed men were the political enemy. For example, in 1983 --
Andrea Dworkin and Catharine MacKinnon drafted the infamous
Minneapolis anti-porn ordinance that defined pornography as
violence against women and a violation of their civil rights.
For example, in 1984, under pressure from radical feminism, the
EEOC amended its sexual harassment guidelines to place all
burden of blame squarely at the feet of the employer who became
responsible for any act of sexual harassment within his or her
business.
Feminism became a politics of rage. It lost sight of being
fair, of being equal under the law with men and aimed instead at
privilege.
I said this was a cautionary tale. The caution is this: I
hope that men are not so angry and do not become so angry that
they -- that you ever view me as the enemy.
The Men's Movement in North America is poised to take off
like a rocket and when it does it will provide a new chance...a
new beginning for men and women to be the full, equal, and
respectful partners in society that we were always meant to
be.
For this...I thank you.