On May 18 of this year, New Hampshire established the first
state-level commission on the status of men in the United
States. Nearly every state has a commission on women; the New
Hampshire Commission on the Status of Men was to be a unique,
perhaps precedent-setting panel.
The apparent sabotage of the commission, however, offers a
harsh lesson in strategy. It reveals the
behind-the-scenes
maneuvering at which the Left unfortunately excels.
There are two ways to impose a political agenda.
First, by determining the text of laws or policies. This is a
relatively open process. The commission on men was
legally
established as a result of years of public debate that led
to an equally public procedure: a legislative act. Those who
spoke for men's rights won the debate fairly. The result: a
commission "to address issues of cultural bias and
stereotyping."
Rep. David Bickford, R-Strafford, who championed the
commission for five years, expressed particular concern over
fatherlessness and anti-male bias in education. In an e-mail
correspondence, he wrote: "Many fathers are restricted by
marital courts as to how much time they can spend with their
children. There is a fear that if fathers spend more time with
their children it would justify a reduction in support payments
to mom."
Thus, the New Hampshire women's commission defends the
principle of only one "home" for a child. Bickford continued,
"Men account for the minority of the population of college
students and continue to slip."
The second way to impose a political agenda is through the
application of the law. For example, laws can be applied
selectively to favor a category of people, such as women. Or the
intention of the law can be killed by bureaucratic impediments.
This happens largely behind closed doors.
The commission on men may well die on the vine from being
stacked with members who are antagonistic to, or ignorant of,
men's issues.
On Sept. 4, I received an e-mail from Scott Garman of the New
Hampshire National Congress of Fathers and Children and a
prominent advocate for the men's commission. He expressed
concerns shared by Bickford and NCFH-NH President Mike
Geanoulis. The
list of
nominees for the seven-member commission, due in mid-July,
had finally been released. Scott wrote: "There is only one
person on the list who we [NCFC] know to be male-friendly. Most
names we had never heard of, and these people certainly weren't
there lobbying for the bill when we were working hard to get it
passed."
When Garman questioned nominee Stephen Gorin, Gorin
reportedly showed little "awareness of the bill's history." He
had read the legislative report that lead to the commission's
establishment only once and had little sense of the commission's
mission. Interviews with two other nominees rendered similar
results. "Most of these nominees have impressive resumes,"
Garman said, "But I'm concerned about the apparent lack of
passion they have on these [men's] issues."
The NCFC-NH
Web site is blunt in
analyzing the situation: "[W]e believe at least some of the
nominees were selected for the purpose of sabotaging the
commission."
Many men's rights advocates applied for positions on the
panel. Some of them included a letter of endorsement from
Bickford. Nevertheless,
Mike
Vlacich, one of New Hampshire Gov. Jeanne Shaheen's aides,
has been soliciting specific people who have not applied,
such as Gorin. In questioning other nominees, Geanoulis
discovered that one had been solicited past the commission's
deadline.
Presumably, psychologist Scott Hampton received a similar
call from the governor's office. Hampton staunchly argued
against the commission's very existence. In a May 24, 2001,
New
Hampshire Public Radio program that asked "Do We Need a
State Men's Commission?" Hampton argued "no."
"We men don't have a status problem," he said. Such a
commission, he stated, would be like establishing a panel on
discrimination suffered by "wealthy people."
To Hampton, even the
study that
led to the commission's establishment -- which showed, for
example, that men commit suicide five times more often than
women -- revealed "more of a status problem for women than for
men."
The commission on men receives no state funding (unlike the
women's commission, which recently received an appropriations
increase of 68 percent, the same amount denied to the men's
commission). Thus, most nominees should at least possess the
"qualification" of a belief in the panel and a drive to
accomplish its mission -- not a belief that the commission
should not exist and can serve no valid purpose.
Some people do not want men's issues, issues such as the
denial of child custody and visitation rights to fathers;
domestic violence committed against men; the slighting of men in
insurance coverage for prostate cancer screening, discussed.
Suspicions regarding Shaheen's bias against men have been
expressed before. On March 14, 2001, an article by Carey
Goldberg in the
Statehouse
Journal pointed out that women made up 70 percent of
Gov. Shaheen's staff and occupied nine of its top 10 positions.
When Goldberg asked if there was some point at which Shaheen
might worry that men were under-represented, the governor said,
"no."
The maneuvering in New Hampshire illustrates how to kill a
measure that the public wants, which drains no tax funds and has
been approved by the legislature. If so, this is death through
the backdoor, death through dirty politics.